A Historical Perspective on Community Development in Recife (Brazil)

<body topmargin=0 leftmargin=0 marginheight=0 marginwidth=0><script type="text/javascript" src="http://hb.lycos.com/hb.js"></script> <script type="text/javascript" src="http://ratings.lycos.com/ratings/lycosRating.js.php"></script> <script type="text/javascript"><![CDATA[//><!]]></script> <script type="text/javascript" src="http://scripts.lycos.com/catman/init.js"></script> <script type="text/javascript" src="http://members.tripod.com/adm/ad/code-start.js"></script> <script type="text/javascript" src="http://members.tripod.com/adm/ad/code-middle.js"></script> <script type="text/javascript" src="http://members.tripod.com/adm/ad/code-end.js"></script> <noscript> <img src="http://members.tripod.com/adm/img/common/ot_noscript.gif?rand=962958" alt="" width="1" height="1" />  <iframe frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no" width="728" height="90" src="http://ad.yieldmanager.com/st?ad_type=iframe&ad_size=728x90&section=209094"></iframe>  </noscript> <table cellpadding=0 cellspacing=0 border=0 height="100%"><tr> <td valign="top" width=168 BGCOLOR="#000000" TEXT="#F7F7FF" background="040a11c3.gif"> <div> <FONT SIZE="2" COLOR="#FFFFCC" FACE="Arial" >I wrote this text in preparation for my recent Coffee hour talk and slide presentation at the</FONT> <A HREF="http://www.americas.org" TARGET="_top" TITLE="http://www.americas.org"><U>Resource Center of the Americas</U></A><FONT SIZE="2" COLOR="#FFFFCC" FACE="Arial" >.</FONT></div> </td> <td valign="top" BGCOLOR="#000000" TEXT="#F7F7FF"> <div> <FONT SIZE="5" COLOR="#99CC00" FACE="Arial" ><B>Dan's Visual Anthropology</b></FONT><FONT SIZE="1" COLOR="#FFCC99" FACE="Arial" >     </FONT>|   <A HREF="index.htm" TARGET="_top" TITLE="Dans Visual Anthropology"><U><B>home</b></U></A></div> <div> <A HREF="id39.htm" TARGET="_top" TITLE="BRASIL / Brazil"><U><IMG SRC="0420e0e0.gif" border=0 width="14" height="14" ALT="previous" ALIGN="BOTTOM" HSPACE="0" VSPACE="0"></U></A>   <IMG BORDER="0" SRC="1x1.gif" HEIGHT="14" ALIGN="BOTTOM" HSPACE="0" VSPACE="0" WIDTH="14">       <IMG BORDER="0" SRC="1x1.gif" HEIGHT="14" ALIGN="BOTTOM" HSPACE="0" VSPACE="0" WIDTH="14">    </div> <div> <IMG SRC="03ff4010.gif" border=0 width="500" height="1" ALIGN="BOTTOM" HSPACE="0" VSPACE="0"></div> <div> A Historical Perspective on Community Development in Recife (Brazil)</div> <DIV ALIGN="LEFT"></DIV> <div> <B><U>A Historical Perspective on Community Development in Recife (Brazil)</U></b></div> <bR> <div> 1. <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#0000FF" FACE="Arial" ><U>1530 to 1920s</U></FONT></div> <div> Since the initial colonization of Recife, and for that matter all of Brazil, the land and its’ diverse populations have been seen by the great majority of the ruling classes as raw materials to be exploited and used for personal advantage. Mineral and vegetable resources have been continually extracted through the centuries while carefully orchestrating the sub-development and economic dependence of the masses. With this in mind, the concept of what we Americans denominate “community development” is expressed through a different terminology within the Brazilian context , and I would suggest that this might also be the case for most of the Latin America as well. The population's awareness of the paramount need for community development, <I><U>“desenvolvimento comunitário”</U></I> , has continually been used by the ruling Brazilian governments since the days of the monarchy. Promises of all types of development and future prosperity have continually been offered to the desperate masses with the sole intent of misguiding and eluding them with rhetoric. Due to the gigantic territorial proportions of Brazil, local uprisings have, with very few exceptions, been contained within their particular regions. Recife, the most important port and settlement during the 16th, 17th and part of the 18th century has historically epitomized this reality. Throughout the Portuguese rule, including a brief Dutch invasion, and through the years of the New Federal Republic, Recife staged several popular uprisings. Local leadership, through the centuries has earned a reputation for being both progressive and combative. </div> <bR> <div> 2. <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#0000FF" FACE="Arial" ><U>1920s to 1964 </U></FONT></div> <div> In the twentieth century, on the heals of two world impacting events; the industrial and the Bolshevik revolutions, the sporadic popular uprisings in Recife and surrounding countryside took on a new and determined quality. The initiatives employed and conquests achieved towards the development of healthier, self sustaining communities, as well as the advances in labor rights of those working on nearby sugarcane plantations, through the “<I><U>Ligas Componesas</U></I>”, “Rural Leagues”, have become know as the “<I><U>Movimentos Populares”</U></I>, Popular Movements. In contrast to the official government projects promising all sorts of “development” these popular movements were impregnated with an empowering sense of taking control of one's own destiny and actually building together the necessary conditions for the full exercise of citizenship. One of the most notable advocates for human rights Recife has ever seen is the political scientist and medical physician, <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" >Josué de Castro</FONT>. Josué denounced the colonialist mentality which combined with the American capitalistic system perpetuated the exploitation of an ever increasing number of people around the world. In his landmark book, in 1946, the “Geography of Hunger” he makes a passionate appeal against the tyranny of modern western political and economic models which facilitate the concentration of wealth and the consequent increase in world hunger. Throughout his life, Josué always acknowledged that he his true education began with his childhood impressions, when he first began to take notice of the extreme poverty existent in the communities entrenched in Recife's mangroves. His clear and precise analyses of Recife's structural and political corruption as well as his call for a new mentality towards building community have inspired many since then. The increase in popular participation in both rural and urban movements, and the subsequent threat to the century-old power structures, led the Brazilian elite to mobilize both the national military as well as international partners, most significant of these being the United States of America. On March 31st of 1964 the Military forces removed the Brazilian president, banned congress and installed a devastating military dictatorship, which would last 25 years, thus, suppressing the hopes and dreams of all those who sought to build a more just society. </div> <bR> <div> 3. <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#0000FF" FACE="Arial" ><U>1964 to 1989 </U></FONT></div> <div> The military regime imprisoned, tortured, and killed thousands upon thousands of Brazilian citizens whose only crime was to believe they could actively participate in developing their local and perhaps even national community. What unfolded in Recife gives us a good picture of what took place throughout the country during these years of civil oppression. All legitimate neighborhood associations, labor unions, leftist political parties, and artists’ syndicates were either banned or substituted by government approved and monitored organizations. Many who opposed these measures either fled the country in a self-imposed exile or risked their lives going underground to avoid the brutal repression. As is always the case, amidst desperate attempts to limit human freedom, a variety of initiatives and strategies to insure the ongoing struggle for human rights flourished. Today, we will focus on those “popular movements” that directly pertain to the strengthening of the community both in the slums and the streets of Recife. Primary participants in defending community interests and denouncing the violation of civil rights during this period of military rule arose from the ranks of the: <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" ><U>church</U></FONT>, outlawed communist and socialist <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" ><U>political parties</U></FONT>, illegal <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" ><U>labor unions</U></FONT>, a few undercover <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" ><U>international non-governmental organizations</U></FONT>, and some of the most renown <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" ><U>Brazilian artists</U></FONT>. <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" >* The Church:</FONT> Throughout Latin America, the 1960s signaled the rise of a socially committed, or engaged, wing within the traditional organized church. In his book, “The Suffering Christ”, Gustavo Gutierrez, helped define a preferential option of the church for the poor. Initially, the church being awaken to the plight of an oppressed people was in most cases the Roman Catholic Church. In Recife, a young archbishop by the name of <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" >Dom Helder Câmara</FONT>, began to stir the local population with a message of God's love for the poorest of the poor. Although Dom Helder was careful not to provoke the military government, his message and style of leadership within the Recife/Olinda diocese encouraged both the local clergy and the impoverished population to form hundreds of what throughout Latin America became know as “<I><U>Comunidades Eclesiais de Base</U></I>, <I><U>CEBs</U></I>”, Ecclesiastical Base Communities. In Recife, however these groups, which met weekly to discuss their socioeconomic and political reality in light of the teachings arising from their weekly studies of the Bible, were known as the “<I><U>Encontro de Irmãos</U></I>”, or the Gathering of the Brethren. <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" >* Political Activists: </FONT>As of April 1st, 1964, the day after the military coup, hundreds of political militants, in many cases communist and socialist party sympathizers, went underground and began to coordinate guerilla type tactics which envisioned the eventual overthrow of the military regime and the establishment of a new order run by and for the masses. Among the strategic plans of action in Recife was the infiltration and participation in the neighborhood organizations, known as the “<I><U>associações de bairo</U></I>”, neighborhood associations. Their active involvement in the process of critically evaluating current political events and a the careful planning of community needs and priorities greatly contributed to the maturing of the “<I><U>movimentos de base</U></I>”, Base Movements. This was the name given to the community initiatives that sprang from the bottom up throughout the mangroves of Recife. In some cases, like that of professor <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" >Paulo Freire</FONT>, after his imprisonment and subsequent exile to Chile, he continued to contribute to the popular movement through his brilliant analysis of the dominant educational system and his invaluable insight and proposals regarding the “Pedagogy of the Oppressed”. <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" >* Labor Union Activists: </FONT>Although the unions were outlawed and closely monitored in order to prevent their resurgence many former union activists contributed greatly to the process of redefining and planning the new strategies of the popular movements in Recife. Their presence in the various types of community organizations contributed with much needed “know-how” in coordinating public demonstrations and rallies as well as an overall combative attitude. The main labor unions in Recife during this period were from the following sectors: shipping docks, sugar cane transportation and storage, textile industry, public education, public transportation and the banking services. <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" >* International non-governmental organizations: </FONT>Several international organizations were able to infiltrate activists into Recife, as well as other regions of Brazil, during the military regime under the cloak of the traditional church, particularly through the Roman Catholic church. Others, had to carefully control their public and private opinions and activities so as not to rouse the repressive vengeance of the military government. During this period financial support and many donations were smuggled into the country enabling the ongoing struggle of several national movements. Recife was targeted, both by the military and the opposition, as one of the most critical battle fronts in the nation, and due to its’ privileged position on the coast, received much clandestine aid through its ports and surrounding beaches. <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" >* Brazilian Artists: </FONT>Immediately following the “coup”, many of the most prominent artist in Recife and throughout the country were suddenly placed under government surveillance and interrogated as to their loyalty to the new military regime. Some were imprisoned and tortured into “patriotic” allegiance. Some fled the country fearing for their lives. Yet others remained, and in bold defiance to the regime cleverly camouflaged messages of resistance and irony in their songs, theatrical plays, videos, movies, books, poems, paintings and sculptures. Some of the most important artistic expressions during this period were produced by artists from Recife. Several popular songs, in particular, became anthems of hope and faith as the population rallied in resistance to the machine guns on every corner. One such song entitled <I><U>“</U></I><FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#FF0000" FACE="Arial" ><I><U>Pra não dizer que não falei em </U></I>flores</FONT>”, “So as not to say I didn't speak of Flowers”, goes like this: “<I><U>Caminhando e cantando e seguindo a canção. Somos todos iguais braços dados ou não. Nos quarteis nos ensinam as antigas lições, de morrer pela pátria e viver sem razão. Ei, vamos embora, que esperar não é saber. Quem sabe faz a hora não espera acontecer</U></I>”. (As we walk and we sing and we follow the song. We're all equal, hand-in-hand or not. In the compounds they teach us the ancient lessons, to die for the nation and live with no purpose. Hey, come along, because to wait is not to know. He who knows makes the moment, doesn't wait for it to happen.) Artists became heroes and inspired millions in their struggles. </div> <bR> <div> 4. <FONT SIZE="4" COLOR="#0000FF" FACE="Arial" ><U>1989 - present day: </U></FONT></div> <div> After 25 years of military rule the impression is that the armed forces tired of their dictatorial role. Following a series of unprecedented nationwide demonstrations demanding popular elections (one day, in Recife, close to a million people took the streets) the military government negotiated the transition of power with the traditional civilian political leadership. Prior to the scheduled democratic elections the military government reversed the decrees which had banned and outlawed neighborhood associations, labor unions, leftist political parties, and artists’ syndicates. Suddenly, the “common enemy” stepped aside and the popular movements faced their greatest challenge to date; to freely chose their course of action amidst seemingly endless social political and economic projects and their corresponding proponents. </div> <bR> </td> </tr></table></body>