Directions: Answer the questions after reading through the passage. Base your answers on information that is either stated or implied in the passage.
Passage for Questions 1-7:
The rich analyses of Fernand Braudel and his fellow Annales historians have made significant contributions to historical theory and research. In a departure from traditional historical approaches, the Annales historians assume (as do Marxists) that history cannot be limited to a simple recounting of conscious human actions, but must be understood in the context of forces and material conditions that underlie human behaviour. Braudel was the first Annales historian to gain widespread support for the idea that history should synthesize data from various social sciences, especially economics, in societies over time (although Febvre and Bloch, founders of the Annales school, hand originated this approach).
Braudel conceived of history as the dynamic interaction of three temporalities. The first of these, the évé nementielle, involved short-lived dramatic "events," such as battles, revolutions, and the actions of great men, which had preoccupied traditional historians like Carlyle. Conjoncures was Braudel's term for larger, cyclical processes that might last up to half a century. The longue durée, a historical wave of great length, was for Braudel the most fascinating of the three temporalities. Here he focused on those aspects of everyday life that might remain relatively unchanged for centuries. What people ate, what they wore, their means and routes of travel - for Braudel these things create "structures" that define the limits of potential social change for hundreds of years at a time.
Braudel's concept of the longue durée extended the perspective of historical space as well as time. Until the Annales school, historians had taken the juridical political unit - the nation-state, duchy, or whatever - as their starting point. Yet, when such enormous time spans are considered, geographical features may well have more significance for human populations than national borders. In his doctoral thesis, a seminal work on the Mediterranean during the reign of Philip II, Braudel treated the geohistory of the entire region as a "structure" that had exerted myriad influences on human lifeways since the first settlements ont he shores of the Mediterranean Sea.
And so the reader is given such arcane information as the list of products that came to Spanish shores from North Africa, the seasonal routes followed by Mediterranean sheep and their shepherds, and the cities where the best ship timber could be bought.
Braudel has been faulted for the imprecision of his approach. With his Rabelaisian delight in concrete detail, Braudel vastly extended the realm of relevant phenomena; but this very achievement made it difficult to delimit the boundaries of observation, as task necessary to beginning any social investigation. Further, Braudel and other Annales historians minimize the differences among the social sciences. Nevertheless, the many similarly designed studies aimed at both professional and popular audiences indicate that Braudel asked significant questions which traditional historians had overlooked.
show how Braudel's work changed the conception of Mediterranean life held by previous
evaluate Braudel's criticisms of traditional and Marxist historiography
contrast the perspective of the longue durée the actions of major historical figures
illustrate the relevance of Braudel's concepts to other social sciences
outline some Braudel's influential conceptions and distinguish them from conventional approaches
illustrate the limitations of the Annales tradition of historical investigation
suggest the relevance of economics to historical investigation
debate the need for combining various sociological approaches
show that previous Annales historians anticipated Braudel's focus on economics
demonstrate that historical studies provide broad structures necessary for economic analysis
attempted to unify various social sciences
studies social and economic activities that occurred across national boundaries
pointed out the link between increased economic activity and the rise of nationalism
examined seemingly unexciting aspects of everyday life
visualized history as involving several different time frames
more interested in other social sciences than in history
critical of the achievements of famous historical figures
skeptical of the validity of most economic research
more interested in the underlying context of human behaviour
more inclined to be dogmatic in their approach to history
It seeks structures which underlie all forms of social activity.
It assumes a greater similarity among the social sciences than actually exists.
It fails to consider the relationship between short-term events and long-term social actvity.
It clearly defines boundaries for social analysis.
It attributes too much significance to conscious human actions.
I only
III only
I and II only
II and III only
I, II and III
All written history is the history of social elites.
The most important task of historians is to define the limints of potential social change.
Those who ignore history are doomed to repeat it.
People's historical actions are infleunced by many factors that they may be unaware of.
History is too important to be left to historians.
A related argument centres of the demand side of the economy. This economy is seen as fragmented, disconnected, and incapable of using inputs from other parts of the economy. Consequently, economic activity in one part of the economy does not generate the dynamism in other sectors that is expected in more cohesive economies. Industrialization necessarily involves many different sectors; economic enterprises will thrive best in an environment in which they draw on inputs from related economic sectors and, in turn, release their own goods for industrial utilization within their own economies.
A third argument concerns the low-leve equilibrium trap in which less developed countries find themselves. At subsistence levels, societies consume exactly what they produce. There is no remaining surplus for reinvestment. As per-capita income rises, however, the additional income will not be used for savings and investment. Instead, it will have the effect of increasing the population that will eat up the surplus and force the society to its former subsistence position. Fortunately, after a certain point, the rate of population growth will decrease; economic growth will intersect with and eventually outstrip population growth. The private sector, however, will not be able to provide the one-shot large dose of capital to push economic growth beyond those levels where population increase eat up the incremental advances.
The final argument concerns the relationship between delayed development and the state. Countries wishing to industrialize today have more competitors, and these competitors occupy a more differentiated industrial terrain than previously. This means that the available niches in the international system are more limited. For today's industrializers, therefore, the process of industrialization cannot be a haphazard affair, nor can the pace, content, and direction be left solely to market forces. Part of the reason for a strong state presence, then, relates specifically to the competitive international environment in which modern countries and firms must operate.
the start-up costs of initial investments are beyond the capacities of many private investors
the state must mediate relations betweent he demand and supply sides of the economy
the pace and processes of industrialization are too important to be left solely to market trends
the livelihoods and security of workers should not be subject to the variability of industrial trends
public amenities are rquired to facilitate a favourable business environment
Without state intervention, many less developed countries will not be able to carry out the interrelated tasks necessary to achieve industrialization.
Underdeveloped countries face a crisis of overpopulation and lack of effective demand that cannot be overcome without outside assistance.
State participation plays a secondary role as compared to private capital investment in the industrialization of underdeveloped countries.
Less developed countries are trapped in an inescapable cycle of low production and demand.
State economic planning can ensure the rapid development of nonindustrialized countries' natural resources.
safeguarding against the domination of local markets by a single source of capital
financing industries with large capital requirements
helping to co-ordinate demand among different economic sectors
providing capital inputs sufficient for growth to surpass increases in per capita consumption
developing communication and transportation facilities to service industry
The first leads to rapid technological progress; the second creates the demand for technologically sophisticated products.
Both enhance the developmental effects of private sector investment.
Neither is relevant to formulating a strategy for economic growth.
The first is a barrier to private investment; the second can attract it.
The first can prevent development from occurring; the second can negate its effects.
I only
II only
I and II only
II and III only
I, II and III
the tendency for societies to produce more than they can use
intervention of the state in economic development
the inability of market forces to overcome the effects of population growth
the fragmented and disconnected nature of the demand side of the economy
one-shot, large doses of capital intended to spur economic growth